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This social stratification affected non‑tribal Kuwaitis before the discovery of oil, and would dictate who was eligible for naturalization and therefore citizenship following independence and the creation of the modern state, reflecting the “social significance that can be placed on family descent and lineage, which affect the status of different ‘tiers’ of citizens as well as helping to determine who is a citizen”.10 Shafīq al Ghabrā suggests that “the 1962 constitution formed a new country which opened doors for all its citizens who were there from 1920 onward, but the nationality law created historical racism marking the difference between being Kuwaiti by foundation ()”.11 Essentially this nationality law differentiates between those who are documented as resident in the country prior to 1965 (Article 1 citizenship) and enjoy full political rights and civil service opportunities, and those who were given the Kuwaiti nationality later through articles 4, 5, 7 and 8, and cannot vote, run for office or be appointed to a government leadership position until 20 years have passed from their naturalization date.12 The principle of exclusion is ingrained in the nationality system, even among those who were deemed worthy of getting Kuwaiti citizenship.This demonstrates the levels of otherness that are being assigned to Kuwaitis themselves (tribe, sect, historical access) and plays out in their relationship with non‑Kuwaitis, and the lack of a clear and fair merit‑based naturalization system.Kuwaiti women were slowly liberated from the confines of the family home and the first wave of state‑funded female students were sent to study abroad in the early 1950s, entering the labor market in ever greater numbers since 1962.

L’article vise aussi à mettre en lumière certaines difficultés rencontrées par ces femmes et leurs familles, ainsi que leurs manières de combattre la stigmatisation sociale et les pratiques discriminatoires auxquelles elles sont confrontées.Despite waves of Arab and foreign migrants, and the mercantile ties with Iran and India that pre‑date the discovery of oil, there remains a persistence of ethno‑tribal identities in the Arabian Gulf states where “official narratives of national identity tend to emphasize the role of rulers and their families as representatives of the nation, and usually privilege Sunni Muslim, male, tribal identities”.6 In this sense, the imaginative geography of a Kuwaiti national identity is visualized through the Sunni Muslim, male, and tribal figure.Whether they still define themselves as “bedu” — , a form of tribal identity remains central to most nationals as they rely on it to achieve social prominence and political clout.In this sense, the paper explores the relationship between gendered citizenship and anti‑immigrant discourses that seep into Kuwaiti policies and make it extremely difficult to legitimize the citizenship claims of non‑national children of Kuwaiti mothers.It will also attempt to address questions around the lack of political will to improve the situation of these families and the countermeasures taken by activists, civil society organizations, some MPs, the women themselves and their children.

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